By Christina Unger
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Additional resources for A computational approach to the syntax of displacement and the semantics of scope
The expressions that are stored because they still need to check features will be the only structure we will have and it will mirror only a rudimentary part of familiar constituent structure. Chapter 4 can therefore also be read as an exploration of how we can derive restrictions on displacement, such as island constraints, with as little structure as possible. Chapter 5 will then introduce a semantic procedure for establishing scope. Contrary to the syntactic procedure, which operates only on forms, the semantic procedure will operate only on meanings.
1c). It subcateorizes for a VP and additionally contains a syntactic feature •wh which can be checked by a corresponding feature wh. Its phonological content is empty, which is represented by the empty string . In the following, I will write features as superscripts. That is, I will write who :: NP [wh] as whowh :: NP, and so on. In the previous chapter, expressions were form-meaning pairs which were ignorant about internal structure and derivational past. With features we now introduced information that needs to be remembered, for a feature needs to be accessible until it can be checked.
Expressions that carry features will not be combined immediately but instead will be kept and used only when they are in a local configuration with another expression that carries a matching feature. This approach to displacement resembles much work in generative grammar theories. It differs, however, in not building elaborate syntactic structures such as trees. The expressions that are stored because they still need to check features will be the only structure we will have and it will mirror only a rudimentary part of familiar constituent structure.
A computational approach to the syntax of displacement and the semantics of scope by Christina Unger